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SPEECH 


HON.  GILBERT  DEAN,  OF  NEW  YORK, 


THE  PUBLIC  EXPENDITURES,  THE  PRESIDENCY,  &c., 


DELIVERED 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  AUGUST  23,  1852. 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  AT  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE  OFFICE. 

1852. 


•T3  4  o  *7 


THE   PRESIDENCY,  &c. 


j       The  House  being  in  the  Committee  of  the  Whol 

,  on   the  state  of  the  Union  (Mr.  HARRIS,  of  Ten 
nessee,  in  the  chair) — 
Mr.  DEAN  said: 
Mr.  CHAIRMAN:  More  than  two  months  hav 

;  now  passed  since  the  Whig  party,  or  rather  a  sec 
lion  of  it,  nominated  its  candidate  for  the  Presi 
dency  with  the  sole  and  avowed  intention  of  re 

,  tain  ing  for  itself  official  position,  by  disregarding 
capacity,  and  grasping  for  that  most  unsubstantia 
shadow,  availability.  The  more  certainly  to  ac 
complish  this  object,  its  recognized  committee  havi 
scattered  broadcast  over  theland,  pictures  so  ridic 
ulous  as  to  excite  only  emotions  of  contempt  ir 
the  minds  of  those  to  whom  they  were  addressed 
and  provoke  to  scorn  the  men  whose  judgment  has 
been  insulted  by  so  unworthy  an  appeal.  These 
pictures,  or  caricatures,  were  accompanied  by 
stories  so  ntw,  marvelous,  and  apocryphal,  tha 
the  tales  of  Munchausen,  and  the  narration  of  Sin 

-  bad  are  veritable  history  in  comparison.  To  those 
who  feel  an  interest  in  the  problem  we  are  so  hap- 
pily solving — the  power  of  man  to  control  his  indi- 
vidual action,  to  determine  his  own  choice — it  is  a 
source  of  the  highest  gratification  that  all  these 
appeals  have  met  with  no  response  from  the  pop- 
ular heart— have  created  no  excitement  in  the  pub- 
lic mind. 

This  experiment  has  taught  its  originators  a 
truth  they  should  have  learned  before,  that  when 
the  country  is  prosperous,  trade  moving  in  its  ac- 
customed channels,  agriculture  receiving  its  wonted 
reward,  manufactures  and  the  mechanic  arts  all 
successful,  the  people  cannot  be  stirred  into  com- 
motion by  the  sound  of  a  trumpet,  or  waked  to 
enthusiasm  by  the  sight  of  an  epaulet;  that  rea- 
son alone  can  permanently  influence  or  control  the 
judgment,  though  prejudice  and  fiction  may  occa- 
sionally and  temporarily  excite  the  passions. 

Jn  this  state  of  the  public  mind,  it  becomes  im- 
portant to  understand  the  position  of  parties,  and 
to  ascertain  what  are  obsolete,  and  what  living  is- 
sues, to  be  determined  by  the  people  at  the  ballot- 
box. 
The  validity  or  binding  efficacy  of  the  several 


acts  known  as  the  compromise  measures,  are  not 
an  issue  between  the  Whig  and  Democratic  par- 
ties.    The  Convention  of  each,  whether  wisely  or 
rightly  I  will  not  now  say,  for  the  declared  pur- 
pose of  preserving  the  nationality  of  its  party, 
without  reference  to  individual  opinion,  has  de- 
termined, as  a  political  organization,  to  acquiesce 
in  those  measures.     And  although  there  are  indi- 
viduals North   and  South  who  do  not  approve  of 
all  of  the  series,  yet,  if  there  is  any  efficacy  in 
paper  platforms  or  party  professions,  then  for  four 
years,  at  least,  whichever  candidate  for  President, 
nominated  at  the  Baltimore  Conventions,  is  elected, 
he  is  bound  to  regard  those  measures  as  a  settlement 
of  the  matters  to  which  they  relate.    The  position 
of  General  Pierce;  upon   this  question  is  undis- 
puted— that  of  General  Scott  is  equally  unequivocal 
here;  but  at  the  North,  where  opposition  to  one  of 
these  measures   might  be  profitable,  he  is  repre- 
sented as   occupying  ground   upon   this  subject 
which  his  language  and  public  pledges  repudiate. 
In  some  of  the  leading  papers  of  the  party  which 
he  now  represents,  the  resolution  on  the  subject 
jf  the  compromise  has  never  been  correctly  pub- 
'ished;  and  a  telegraphic  dispatch,  which  is  quite 
mportant  in  this   connection,  has  been   wholly 
suppressed-     From  a  document  issued  at  the  office 
of  the  Republic,  in  this  city,  and  which  has  been 
circulated   in  great  numbers  in  the  South  by  the 
Whig  National  Committee,  entitled  "  The  Presi- 
fential  Canvass,  or  why  southern  Whigs  should 
upport  the  nominees  of  the  Whig  Convention," 
extract  the  following  resolution,  from  what  it 
erjris 

THE  OFFICIAL   PLATFORM  OF  THE  WHIG   NATIONAL  CON- 
VENTION. 

"  8.  The  series  of  acts  of  the  Thirty-first  Congress,  cora- 
;onJy  known  as  the  compromise  or  adjustment,  (the  act  for 
ic  recovery  of  fugitives  from  labor  included,)  are  received 
nd  acquiesced  in  by  the  Whigs  of  the  United  States  as  a 
,nal  settlement,  in  principle  and  substance,  of  the  subjects 

o  which  they  relate,  and  so  far  as  these  acts  are  concerned, 

ve  will  maintain  them,  and  insist  on  their  strict  enforcement, 
ntil  time  and  experience  shall  demonstrate  the  necessity 
f  further  legislation  to  guard  against  the  evasion  of  the 

aws  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  abuse  of  their  powers  on  the 
ther,  not  impairing  their  present  efficiency  to  carry  out  the  «-"- - 

equipments  of  the  Constitution,  and  we  deprecate  all  *—  U 


further  agitation  of  the  questions  thus  settled,  as  dangerous 
to  our  peace,  and  will  discountenance  all  efforts  to  continue 
or  renew  such  agitation,  whenever,  wherever,  or  however 
made,  and  we  will  maintain  this  settlement  as  essential  to 
the  nationality  of  the  Whig  party  and  the  integrity  of  the 
Union." 


This  document,  after  publishing  the  resolutions 
duly  authenticated,  says: 


"Resolved,  That  these  principles  may  be  summed  up  as 
comprising  a  well-regulated  national  currency — a  tariff  for 
revenue  to  defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  Govern- 
ment,  and  discriminating  with  special  reference  to  the  //ro- 
tection  of  the  domestic  labor  of  tke  country — the  distribution 
of  the  proceeds  of  the  salesof  the  public  lands— a  single  term 
for  the  Presidency — a  reform  of  Executive  usurpations." 


The  following  is  the  meek  and  tame  resolution 

«  Have  the  candidates,  then,  accepted  the  platform,  and  !|  of  this  year,  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff: 
will  they  act  up  to  its  requisitions?    If  they  are  men  of  i      "o-  Government  should  be  conducted  upon  principles  of 
honor  and  truth,  if  they  have  not  replied  to  the  Convention    :  the  strictest  economy,  and  revenue  sufficient  for  the  ex- 
with  mental  reservations  that  would  disgrace  them  forever,  |  j  P«"ses  thereof,  in  time  of  peace,  ought  to  be  mainly  derived 
they  have  assumed  all  the  obligations  which  that  platform  !   frot»  a  duty  on  imports,  and  not  from  direct  taxes;  and  in 

1  levying  such  duties  sound  policy  requires  a  just  discrimina- 
tion and  protection  from  fraud  by  specific  duties,  when 
practicable,  whereby  suitable  encouragement  may  be  as- 
ured to  American  industry,  equally  to  all  classes  and  to  all 


' 


nposes,  and  will  discharge  all  the  duties  it  involves. 
"  What  was  the  course  of  General  Scott?    Immediately  j 
on  receiving  news  of  his  nomination,  the  General  addressed  ; 
a  telegraphic  dispatch  to  a  friend  in  the  Convention  in  the  i 
following  words  :  '  Having  the  honor  of  being  the  nominee 
'  for  President   by  the  Whig  National  Convention,  I  shall  j 


portions  of  the  country." 
It  is  true,  that  this  resolution   has   been    de- 


'  accept  the  same,  with  the  platform  of  principles  which  the  j  j  nounced  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania, 
'  Convent^ ha.iaiddown.»>  ||  [Mr.  JOHN  W.  HOWE,]  and  others,  as  being  "Lo- 

'    If  I  were  disposed  to  criticism,  I  would  ask,  j  cofOco,  and  not  Whig  doctrine."     It  is  the  doc- 


what  it  is  the  General  accepts — the  nominee  or  the 
Convention  ? 

He  has  been  quite  as  unfortunate  in  the  use  of 
the  English  here  as  in  his  former  epistolary  efforts. 
But  I  leave  this  to  insert  the  language  of  the  official 
document  in  relation  to  this  pledge,  its  purport 
and  effect  in  securing  the  "  unanimous  nomina- 
tion:" 

' '  "If  General  Scott  on  such  an  assurance  should  omit  to 
act  up  in  fidelity  to  the  principles  of  the  Whig  platform, 
would  he  not  stand  in  history  as  a  dishonored  man  ?  So  it 
was  understood  and  received  by  the  Convention,  and  on 
the  strength  of  this  communication,  the  nomination  was 
made  unanimous," 

So  far,  therefore,  as  the  candidates  are  concerned , 


trine  of  the  Whig  party  as  declared  by  the  Con- 
vention and  sanctioned  by  the  candidate.  The 
tariff  of  1846  makes  not  only  a  "just  discrimina- 
i  tion,"  but  a  great  discrimination.  It  discriminates 
j  in  its  duties  on  different  articles,  dividing  them  in 
nine  classes — levying  upon  the  first  class,  consist- 
ing of  luxuries,  a  duty  of  one  hundred  per  cent.; 
upon  the  second,  forty;  upon  the  third,  thirty; 
fourth,  twenty-five;  fifth,  twenty;  sixth,  fifteen; 
seventh,  ten;  and  eighth  class,  five  per  cent.; 
while  the  ninth  class  is  admitted  free  of  duty — 
each  article,  therefore,  named  in  these  different 
schedules  is  protected  to  the  amount  of  the  duty 
and  cost  of  transportation.  And  the  propriety  of 


they  occupy  the  same  position  in  reference  to  this  !|  making  them  specific,  instead  of  ad  valorem,  when- 
subject,  with  this  exception:  that  the  unanimous  lever  practicable,  is  a  question  of  detail,  and  not  of 
nomination  was  given  to  General  Pierce,  unpledged  ifprinciple.  |  The  bank  has  this  year  disappeared 
and  unquestioned,  while  General  Scott,  after  a  I  from  .the  family  of  Whig  measures;  distribution 
session  of  nearly  a  week,  only  obtained  it  "  on  the  if  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  the  abolition 
strength  of  this  communication."  Southern  Whigs,  'j  of  the  veto,  and  reform  of  Executive  usurpations, 


|  it  is  true,  in  large  numbers,  both  in  and  out  of 
'   Congress,  refuse  to  support  him,  but  they  do  it  !' 


because  the 

the  truth  of  the  declaration  of  a  certain  influential 
Whig  journal,  that  it  was  the  result  of  a  "  cor- 
rupt bargain,"  by  which  one  section  was  to  have 


each  have  been  buried  in  silence,  with  no  monu- 
ment to  mark  the  tomb.  The  grand  edifice  erected 
Sy  the  genius,  and  supported  by  the  eloquence,  of 
Clay,  has  now  lost  its  symmetry  and  beauty — one 
by  one  its  columns  have  fallen.  It  awaits  only 

the  shock  of  the  approaching  earthquake  to  totter 

the  principles,  and  the  other  the  candidate,  and  con-  j  j  into  ruin;  like  the  tree  whose  spreading  shade 
sequently  the  patronage  of  the  Government.  Know-  jj  refreshed  our  boyhood,  stretching  out  its  fibres 
ing,  as  they  do,  that  the  creature  cannot  dethrone  j[  and  grasping  the  earth  for  support  and  sustenance, 
the  creator,  the  instrument  can  be  no  more  potent  !j  now  scathed  by  the  lightning,  leafless,  branchless, 
than  the  power  that  originated  its  movements;  j  affording  no  shelter,  the  naked  trunk  only  remains, 
that  General  Scott  must  therefore  be  controlled  by  i  ready  to  fail  at  the  first  impulse  of  the  popular 
the  same  corrupt  influences  which  produced  his  i  breeze. 
nomination;  that  the  patronage  of  his  administra-  j 
tion  must  be  bestowed  upon  a  section  only  of  the  i 
party — that  the  appointments  to  office  which  j 
would  be  the  result  of  his  election,  would  afford  i 
constant  evidence  of  their  humiliation,  serfdom, 
and  submission;  they,  and  many  of  their  asso- 


ciates  in  the  North,  prefer  to  stand  aloof  from  the 
contest,  or  even  vote  for  the  Democratic  nominee 
rather  than  aid  in  the  elevation  of  those  who 
would  look  upon  them  as  vanquished  rivals,  and 
whose  success  would  be  a  continual  memento  of 
the  bondage  and  degradation  of  all  who  had  op- 

'  posed  the  movement  which  resulted  in  the  election 
of  the  candidate  of  a  faction  of  the  party. 

**•  The  question  of  a  protective  tariff  is  not  an  issue 
between  the  parties.  In  1844,  the  Whig  National 
Convention  which  nominated  Mr.  Clay,  put  forth 
the  following  bold  and  direct  resolution  in  refer- 
ence to  Whig  principles: 


I  hear  gentlemen  around  me  say,  "  That  is 
true."  "  These  questions  are  passed."  Let  no 
one  conclude  from  this  that  there  is  no  issue  be- 
tween the  parties  at  this  election,  and  consequently 
no  necessity  for  a  contest.  Those  (if  any  there 
are)  who  take  this  view  of  the  subject  do  not  dis- 
tinguish between  principles  of  action  and  the  ad- 
ministrative measures  which  are  used  to  carry  out 
those  principles — confound  causes  with  results. 
"There  is  the  same  difference  now  between  the  op- 
posing parties  that  there  was  in  the  times  of  Jeffer- 
son, Madison,  and  Jackson.  The  one  directs  its 
energies  to  secure  the  advancement  and  progress  of 
the  race;  the  other  exerts  its  influence  to  effect  the 
purposes  of  individual  desire.  The  one  seeks  the 
public  good;  the  other  the  accomplishment  of  pri- 
vate interests  and  ends.  The  one  has  an  abiding 
hope,  a  living  faith,  in  the  capacity  of  man;  the 
other  places  Us  reliance  upon  forms  and  statutes 


to  restrain  his  impulses.  The  one  is  advancing  II  nish  means  for  enriching  themselves  and  their  de- 
with  the  present  and  seizing  upon  the  future;  I  pendents,  and  not  as  stations  to  be  occupied  for 
the  other  reposes  in  the  shade  of  the  past  and  ad-  the  benefit  of  all — who  look  to  the  salary,  and  not 
heres  to  its  antiquated  formulas.  The  one  is  in  the  discharge  of  official  duty,  as  the  end  and  ob- 
consonance  with  the  pulsations  of  the  popular  iject  to  be  sought — who  hold  the  pay,  the  emolu- 
heart;  the  other  seeks  to  stop  its  beating;  and  the  I  ment,  which  is  only  the  incident,  as  the  principal, 
various  governmental  or  administrative  measures!  the  sole  inducement;  and,  by  the  facts  which  I 
which  have  been  adopted  or  proposed  by  these  |  shall  adduce,  show  that  the  question  between  the 
parties  have  been  the  means,  the  instrumentalities  j  parties  is,  whether  the  happiness  of  the  people  is 

to  be  promoted,  and  the  resources  of  the  nation 
developed  by  the  due  and  proper  exercise  of  the 
constitutional  functions  of  the  Government,  or 
its  powers  perverted,  its  Treasury  applied  to 
schemes  of  individual  cupidity  and  the  mainte- 
nance of  a  system  of  political  pauperism,  and 


only,  by  which  they  have  sought  to  develop  their  | 
principles. 

•*   As  a  consequence  of  this  diversity  of  sentiment, 
the  Federal  party  has  never  proposed  a  measure  ! 
which  has  been  adopted  and  acted  upon  as  the  set-  | 
tied  policy  of  the  country;  but,  on  the  contrary,  j 
has  invariably  manifested  its  hostility  to  the  ad-  | 
vance  steps  of  Democratic  progress.     After  a  con-  j 
test  between  right  and  prerogative,  and  the  popu- 
lar verdict  has  been  pronounced,  the  instinctive  I 
propensity  of  this  party  to  keep  the  position  of 
official  recipiency  compelsa  reluctantacquiescence;  j 
find  the  persons  composing  it  equally  hor-  j 


whether  the  civil  or  military  is  to  be  the  predomi- 
nant power  in  the  Government.  In  doing  this,  I 
am  obliged  to  examine  in  detail  the  action  of  the 
present  thoroughly  Whig  Administration,  and 
compare  its  management  of  finances  with  that  \ 
which  immediately  preceded  it.  •*»"«**,. 

Mr.  Polk  was  inaugurated  March  4, 1845.  The 
fiscal  year  begins  on  the  first  day  of  July,  and  is 


but  we 

rifled  and  astonished  at  the  next  movement  of  the 

public  mind;  hence  they  have  received  thedescrip-  n  estimated  for  by  the  various  Departments  the  pre- 
tive   and  appropriate  cognomen  of  the  party  of  |  ceding  December,  and  the  Congress  of  that  winter 
.-,!„„„  »     TI v^,~  v,~*    *!,„   ^K^ut™*  il  aiwayg  makes  appropriations  for  the  year  com 


obsolete  ideas."  They  have  not  the  slightest 
comprehension  of  the  principles  of  Republicanism, 
or  the  symmetry  of  our  system.  They  look  upon 
Government  as  an  artificial  arrangement,  a  purely 
factitious  creation,  instead  of  the  natural  state  of 
existence.  They  hold  that  its  safety  is  dependent 
upon  the  checks  and  restraints  it  imposes  upon  the 


mencing  the  succeeding  July.  The  last  fiscal 
year  of  Mr.  Tyler's  administration  ended  on  the 
30th  of  June,  1845.  Mr.  Folk's  administration 
is  responsible  for  the  expenditures  from  that  date. 
Tt  is  also  proper  to  state  here,  that  there  existed  at 
that  time  a  large  public  debt,  which  "-"  J  -  J— - 


fell  due  dur- 

people,  and  place  their  faith  in  these' rather  than  in  J|  ing  his  term  of  office,  but  for  which  he  is  in  .nowise 
the  actual  and  existent  principles  of  which  it  is  only  responsible.  By  an  examination  of  the  official 
the  external  manifestation.  Whenever,  therefore,  !  reports  1  find  that  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June 
they  have  been  intrusted  with  the  management  of  j  30,  1846,  the  total  receipts  were,  $29,499,247  06.*" 

the  Government,  they  have  shown  their  absolute 
•  i  •      ,  • ,    i 


incompetency  to  direct  its  harmonious  movements, 
or  develop  its  inherent  powers.     Though  the  igno- 
ramus, destitute  of  the  first  rudiments  of  math- 
ematics, may,  by  an  acquaintance  with  the  tables 
which  science  has  prepared,  calculate  the  contents 
of  a  field,  or  the  occurrence  of  an  eclipse,  yet  it  i 
requires  the  mind,  disciplined  by  study,  and  en- 
lightened by  learning,  to  prepare  these,  and  with  | 
them  reveal  the  secrets  of  nature,  follow  the  plan-  ! 
ets  in  their  course,  and  discover  the  causes  which  j 
produce  such  results.    So  with  our  system,  ema- 
nating from  the  people,  experience  has   proved 
that  only  those  whose  feelings  and  sympathies  are 
with  the  people,  Democratic,  have  ever  been  able 
to  grasp  its  significance,  or  guide  its  movements. 

*A  reference  to  the  history  of  each  Administration 
would  prove  the  truth  of  this  position,  would 
show  that  every  increase  of  national  domain, 
every  assertion  and  maintenance  of  international 
republican  law,  every  advancement  of  popular 
rights,  has  been  the  work  of  Democratic  Adminis- 
trations— the  result  and  direct  product  of  Demo- 
cratic thought  and  action;  while  all  that  the  op- 
posing party  have  ever  achieved  has  been  to  retain 
the  position  its  predecessor  had  acquired. 

m  I  do  not  propose  at  this  time  further  to  enlarge 
upon  or  elaborate  this  subject,  but  to  confine  my- 
self to  the  other  and  equally  conclusive  manner  of 
proving  the  incapacity  of  ( the  anti-Democratic 

'party  to  administer  the  Government,  by  showing 
that  it  has  increased  the  public  expenditure; 
brought  into  the  management  of  public  affairs  a 
set  of  men  who  regard  the  Treasury  as  lawful 
prize — who  look  upon  the  offices  as  places  to  fur- 


Total  expenditure  for  that  year,  §28,031,114  20.        / 
The  Mexican  war  broke  out  in-  May  of  th^*»f 
fiscal  year.     It  had   been  for  'months  threatened 
and  impending,  and  there  were  largely-increased 
expenditures  for  warlike  munitions;  and  by  the 
report  of  Secretary  Walker,  in  December  follow- 
ing, we  find  charged  to  Mexican  hostilities  in  that 
fiscal  year  — 
War  Department  .......  .  ..............  $-3,304,848  04 

Navy  Department  ......................       1  47,619  40 


Payment  on  account  of  public  debt 


$3,459,467  44 
1,217,823  31 

$4.670.290  75 


This  amount  deducted  from  the  total  cost  of  the 
year,  leaves  the  sum  of  $23,360,823  45  as  the 
whole  peace  expenditure  of  that  year.  This  in- 
cludes also  a  large  item  paid  to  militia  of  States 
and  Territories,  chargeable,  I  suppose,  to  the  war; 
but  I  have  not  deducted  it. 

For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30th,  1847,  the 
whole  receipts  of  the  Government  were,  $61,152,- 
428  90.  Expenditure,  #59,451,177  65. 

During  this  year  the  payment  on  account  of  the 
public  debt  was,  $3,522,082  37;  leaving  the  total 
expenditure,  omitting  public  debt,  $55,899,095  28. 

For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1848,  total 
receipts,  $58,394,701  84.  Total  expenditure, 
$58,241,167  24. 

During  this  year  the  payments  on  account  of 
the  public  debt  amounted  to  $15,429,197  21 — 
which,  deducted  from  the  whole  expenditure 
leaves  the  amount,  (omitting  the  public  debt, 
$42,811,970  03. 


t, 
l>)     / 


For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1849,  the 
total  receipts  of  the  Government  were,  $48,983,- 
632  10.  Total  expenditure,  $46,798,667  82. 

During  this  year  there  was  paid  on  account  of 
the  public  debt,  and  installments  to  Mexico, 
$16,453,272  39.  Omitting  payment  on  account 
of  the  public  debt,  the  whole  expenditure  was 
$30,345,395  43. 

We  find  the  expenditures  of  Mr.  Folk's  admin- 
istration of  four  years,  including  the  public  debt 
and  all  the  cost  of  a  war,  in  which  there  were  eighty 
thousand  men  in  the  field,  amounted  to  the  sum  of 
$192,522,126  91;   making    a    yearly   average   of 
$48,130,531  72.    The  amount  of  public  debt,  in- 
cluding the  sum  paid  to  Mexico  under  the  treaty, 
was  $36,622,375  28,  being  a  yearly  average  of 
$9,155,593  82  paid  during  a  war.      The  whole 
amount  of  expenditure,  deducting  the  amount  paid 
I  on  the  public  debt,  is  $155,899,751  63;  theannual 
/average  expenditure  being  $38,974,937  90. 
^"*l  We  commence  now,  the  three  years  of  Whig 
Administration  of  the  finances,  during  a  time  when 
we  were  "  at  peace  with  all  the  world  and  the  rest 
of  mankind,"  beginning  with  the  fiscal  year  com- 
mencing July  1,  1849,  and  ending  June  30,  1850. 
The  total  receipts  for  that  year,  were  $45,959,- 
813  18.  Total  expenditure,  $43,002, 168  69.  There 
was  paid,  on  account  of  public  debt,  $7,437, 366  41; 
J^leaving  the   expenditure  J$35,564,b02  28.  I  This 
T**year  had  been  estimated  for  by  Mr.  Walker,  in- 
f  eluding  public  debt,  Mexican  installments,  and  all 
other  expenses,  at  $33,213,152  73. f  The  actual 
expenditure  of  the  first  year  of  Whig  rule,  there- 
fore, exceeded   the  necessary  and  -estimated  ex- 
«•,  penditure,  $12,746,660  35,  or  over  fifty  per  cent.  I 
of  the  whole  peace  expenditure  of  Mr.  Folk's  ad- 
ministration. 

For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1851,  the 
whole  receipts  were,  $58,917,524  36.  The  whole 
expenditure,  $48,005,878  68.  There  was  paid 
this  year  on  the  public  debt,  $4,217,986  10.  The 
total  expenditure — omitting  the  public  debt — was 
_  $43,787,892  58. 

For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1852,  the 
total  receipts  were,  $49,745,598  72.  The  actual 
amount  of  money  paid  out  prior  to  July  1,  1852, 
was  $45,735,591  73.  But  a  deficiency  bill,  to 
make  up  for  moneys  which  the  Administration  had 
spent  beyond  the  appropriation,  had  a  long  time 
prior  to  this  been  reported,  but  had  not  yet  become 
a  law,  which,  however,  has  subsequently  passed, 
amounting  to  $5,434,882  36,  and  is  to  be  added  to 
the  preceding  amount,  which  will  increase  the  total 
expenditure  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30, 
^.,1852,  to  $51,170,474  09.  There  has  been  paid 
during  this  year  on  the  public  debt,  $6,022,115  53. 
Leaving  for  the  actual  expenditures,  exclusive 
of  debt,  for  the  year  ending  June  30th,  1852, 
..  $45,148,358  56. 

The  total  expenditures  for   the  three  years  of 
the  Whig  Administration,  including  public  debt, 
is  $142,178,521  46 — being  an  annual  average  of 
^,$47,392,840  48. 

The  total  amount  of  public  debt  paid  during  this 
period  of  three  years  is  $17,677,468  04. 
Yearly  average,  $5,892,489  34. 
The  total  amount  of  expenditure  for  these  three 
years,  omitting  the  amount  paid  on  account  of  the 
public  debt,  is  $124,501,053  42. 
•^ Yearly  average,  $41,500,351  14— exceeding  the 


yearly  average  of  the  time  of  Mr.  Folk's  admin- 
istration the  sum  of  $2,525,313  24. 

The  yearly  average  of  public  debt  paid  by  this 
Administration  has  been  but  $5,892,489  34,  while 
the  yearly  average  of  Mr.  Folk's  administration 
was  $9,155,593  82. 

Annual  average  excess,  $3,263,104  48. 

1  have  thus  shown  that,  omitting  the  amount  paid 
for  principal  and  interest  on  the  public  debt,  the 
annual  expenses  of  this  Administration,  in  a  time 
of  peace,  have  exceeded  by  more  than  $2,500,000 
the  expenses  of  the  preceding  Democratic  Admin- 
istration in  conducting  for  the  first  time  in  our  his- 
tory an  expensive  and  protracted  foreign  war, 
which  resulted  in  doubling  the  area  of  our  terri- 
tory. This  is  a  startling  announcement,  and  the 
natural  inquiry  is  made,  where  has  the  money 
gone?  Before  proceeding  to  answer  that,  I  desire 
to  call  attention  to  the  obvious  fact,  that  no  com- 
parison can  be  fairly  made  between  the  total  ex- 
penditures of  these  two  Administrations,  because 
one  had  only  to  provide  for  a  peace  establishment 
— the  other  had  to  bear  the  enormous  burdens  and 
multiplied  exactions  necessary  to  the  support  of 
an  invading  army  quartered  upon  foreign  soil.  I 
find  in  a  speech  made  in  this  House,  February  14, 
1850,  by  the  Hon.  GEORGE  W.  JONES,  of  Ten- 
nessee, on  the  finances  of  the  Government,  that  he 
has  examined  the  documents,  and  deducted  from 
the  annual  expenses  of  the  administration  of 
Mr.  Polk  those  items  which  were  clearly  charge- 
able to  the  war,  and  that  during  the  three  years 
in  which  the  war  was  actually  carried  on,  the  ex- 
penditures of  the  Government,  exclusive  of  the 
war,  were  as  follows: 

For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1846. .  ."$22,864,296  52 
For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1847. . .  24,728,245  61 
For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1848. . .  23,522,068  40 

From  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  TreasF" 
ury,  in  December,  1850,  it  appears  that  the  average 
annual  expenditures  of  the  Government  for  the 
three  years  ending  June  30,  1843- '44- '45,  exclu- 
sive of  public  debt,  was  $21,277,901  64.  We 
have  seen  that  now,  after  a  lapse  of  only  seven 

!   years,  the  average  yearly  expenditure  is  more  than 

"$41,500,000  exclusive  of  the  payments  on  account 
of  the  public  debt. 

But  why  this  enormous  increase  ?  We  are  an- 
swered, "  on  account  of  the-extension  of  our  ter- 
ritory." This  will  not  do — when  we  conquered 
that  territory,  and  held  it  by  the  force  of  our  arms, 
and  supported  there  an  immense  army  at  a  less 
expense.  But  the  treaty  of  Gnadalupe  Hidalgo 
was  concluded  in  February,  1848,  and  published 
by  the  President  here  in  July  of  that  year;  so  that 
for  one  whole  fiscal  year,  ending  June  30,  1849, 
the  last  of  Mr.  Folk's  administration,  we  were  in 
possession  of  every  acre  of  this  territory;  and  it 
being  the  first  year  after  the  war,  it  was  necessa- 
rily the  most  expensive.  We  were  obliged  to 
provide  and  locate  there  a  peace  establishment, 
and  undergo  very  many  expenses  which  could 
never  again  occur;  and  yet  we  find  that  during 
that  year,  including  the  entire  cost  of  the  Army 

jand  Navy,  and  pensions,  the  whole  expenditure 
vtas  only  $30,345,395  43— more  than  $11,000,000 

less  than  the  yearly  average  of  the  three  succeed- 
ing years. 

I  have  shown  that  the  first  year  of  General  Tay-  ^ 
lor'a  administration  exceeded  by  $12,746,660  35  J 
the  estimates  of  Secretary  Walker.  But  the  first1^ 


/  year  of  Mr.  Fillmore's,  under  the  administration 
I   of  the  Treasury  Department  by  Mr.  Corwin,  ex- 
ceeded  the  estimate  of  Mr.  Meredith,  General 
Taylor's  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  by  the  mod- 
^  erate  sum  of  $8,856,504  77.     So  that  it  seems  that 
even  the  Galphin  Cabinet  has  been  outdone  by  their 
Gardiner  successors. 

1  now  proceed  to  show  in  what  manner  this 
money  has  been  shoveled  out  of  the  Treasury;  for 
it  would  seem  they  could  not  have  taken  time  even 
to  count  or  weigh  it.  We  cannot  go  into  the 
various  Departments  while  under  the  control  of 
their  present  heads,  and  see  how  or  where  the 
treasure  is  abstracted.  Most  of  the  abuses  are 
concealed.  We  can  only  observe  results,  trusting 
that  a  light  will  be  kindled  in  those  dark  recesses 
that  will  reveal  the  secret  pipes  which  have  been 
draining  this  almost  inexhaustible  reservoir.  Until 
that  time  we  must  wait,  contenting  ourselves  with 
the  indicia  of  fraud — the  occasional  debris  or  scat- 
tered remnants  that  we  can  find — the  tracks  we 
can  discover,  which  point  invariably  in  one  direc- 
tion. 

The  Army  is  the  great  pregnant  mother  of  a 
monster-brood  of  abuses.  I  have  been  amazed, 
at  examining  the  reports  of  the  War  Department, 
with  its  hydra-headed  military  bureaus.  We 
have,  in  addition  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  nine 
military  bureaus,  each  presided  over  by  some  dis- 
tinguished chieftain,  residing  in  Washington,  re- 
ceiving large  salaries,  and  provided  with  their  chief 
clerks  and  subordinates — for  what?  To  transact 
the  civil  business  of  the  Army!  But  let  us  see 
how  this  Department  is  managed.  The  last  re- 
port of  the  Secretary  of  War  shows  that  there 
were  on  the  lists,  during  the  last  year,  ten  thou- 
sand five  hundred  and  thirty- eight  men ,  which ,  owing 
to  desertions,  sickness,  and  deaths,  will  afford  "  an 
effective  force  of  eight  thousand  five  hundred." 
I  had  made  an  estimate  of  the  amount  which  it 
costs  per  man,  according  to  the  documents  sub- 
mitted; but  since  making  it,  I  have  found  the  fol- 
lowing1, from  a  speech  delivered  in  the  Senate  on 
the  loth  of  April  last,  by  Senator  HUNTER,  of 
Virginia,  chairman  of  the  Finance  Committee; 
and  as  he  has  every  opportunity  for  the  most  ac- 
curate information,  and  is  known  to  the  country 
by  long  and  faithful  service  in  Congress,  I  prefer 
giving  his  statement  rather  than  my  own.  He 
eays: 

"  I  find,  on  comparing  the  expenditures  for  the  yearend- 

|  ing  the  30th  of  June,  1845,  and  the  year  ending  June,  1851, 

|  that,  in   1845,  the   whole  expense  under  that  head  was 

$3,155.027;   and  in  1851,  the  expense  of  the  Army  proper 

was  $8,949,000.     When  you  come  to  add  to  that  $1,221, 856, 


The  expenditures  for  the  Quartermaster's  De- 
partment alone,  for  the  year  ending  June  30, 1852, 
are  thus  shown  to  be  nearly  ftSOtVper  man;  and 
the  whole  expense,  per  man,  $955.  I«Jl£|45,  a 
time  of  peace  as  now,  the  wholE^pensesoT'the 
Army  proper,  per  man,  were  yfif]  50-.  and  in  the 


Quartermaster's  Department,  less  than  &115  per 
man;  showing  an  increase  in  the  Quartermaster's 
Department,  since  1845,  of  more  than  four  hundred 
per  cent.  During  the  year  1847,  the  mosTSxpen- 
sive  year  of  the  Mexican  war,  the  cost  of  each 
soldier,  per  capita,  in  the  Quartermaster's  Depart- 
|  ment,  was  $37481;  and  now  it  costs  much  more 
I  to  keep  our  soldiers  resting,  than  it  then  did  to 
maintain  them  fighting.  But  the  question  returns 
to  plague  the  managers  of  this  Department,  how 
are  these  amounts  made  up?  Thepay  of  each 
soldier  is  eight  dojn^rsjper  monthTorliinety-six 
dollars  per  year.  ""TPlfis"  amount  is  not  included  in 
the  expenditure  of  the  quartermaster.  Nor  is  it 
any  of  his  business  to  furnish  subsistence,  ord- 
nance, ammunition,  or  medical  expenses.  There 
are  a  few  items  to  which  I  desire  to  call  attention, 
which,  in  a  very  limited  examination  of  the  official 
i  reports,  have  seemed  worthy  of  notice.  Byappen- 


dix  C  to  the  Quartermaster  General's  report,  I  find 
that,  July  30^1850,  L.  G.  Capers  was  paid  ninejy- 
sixjcents  per  oneTiundred  poundsTTor  transporting 
in  wagons  from  San  Antonio,  in  Texas,  to  Fort 
Merril,  67,500  pounds  of  freight — nearly  one  dollar 
per  hundred.  There  are  other  charges  about  the 
same  date,  some  at  the  ss.me  rates,  and  others  a 
trifle  lower.  What  is  the  distance  and  character 
of  the  road?  By  a  subsequent  portion  of  the  re- 
port, we  find  Fort  Merrill  is  one  hundred  miles 
south  by  east  of  San  Antonio;  and  on  the  same 
page,  in  speaking  of  the  roads  to  San  Antonio,  it 
says,  "all  generally  good  natural  roads."  This 
j  wouldseemtobeamostexorbitantprice.  Whether 
I  the  contractor  and  any  of  the  officers  at  the  station 
divided  the  profits,  we  are  not  informed  by  the 
official  documents.  The  inference,  however,  is 
I  irresistible.  -',.%... 

From  the  same  report,  I  extract  the  following 
comparative  statement  of  expenditure: 

Year  ending  June  30,  1845.  Do.  1851. 

For  forage  $99,794  20. ...  $1,287,327  91 

For  constructing  and  repairing 

military  buildings 97,161. 76 558,254  33 

For  rents 63,685  21 187,323  78 

For  incidental  expenses 89818  60 392,728  14 

For  transportation 130,053  52 2,194,408  51 

Traveling  allowances  for  offi- 
cers....     47,650  83 106,759  65 

It  will  be  seen  by  the  above,  that  while  every 


to  be  for  expenditures  in  the  auartermaster's  I)lpStment;  |f  branch  of  expenditure  has  increased  greatly   the 

'iave  an  expend-  J|  one  for  forage  has  in  six  years  been  multiplied  by 


not  appearing  in  the  Register's  books,  you  \ 
iture  for  the  Army  proper  of  upwards  of  $10.000.000 — be- 
ing more  than  three  times  as  much  as  it  was  in  1845.  We 
have  the  estimate  for  ten  thousand  five  hundred  troops  in 
the  field ;  and  when  we  come  to  take  the  expense  for  the 
Quartermaster's  Department  for  the  last  fiscal  year,  we  find 


more  than  ten,  and  that  for  transportation  by 
nineteen.  One  cause  of  this  is,  in  purchasing  at 
distant  places,  and  unnecessarily  paying  for  trans- 
'  portation,  when  the  same  articles  could  be  pur- 
it  comes  very  nearly  to  $500  per  man  under  that  head  ||  chased  as  cheaply  at  or  near  the  stations.  But 
alone.  In  the  Army  proper,  the  expense,  when  the  sum  of  |j  nnfnrtnn«tplv  for  the  Government,  the  contractors 
$1,221,000  is  added  as  above  to  the  Secretary's  statement, 
is  about  &965ner  man.  And  the  whole  military  expend- 
itures of  tnaTyear  are  $11, 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
mode  of  estimating  these 

comparison,  is  to  take  those  for  the  Army  proper ;  and  un-  I 
der  that  head  we  have,  as  I  have  before  stated.  $965  ner 
man  for  the  last  fiscal  year.  But  when  we  comeTrlTWR  at 
some  of  these  items,  we  find  they  are  of  a  character  that 
must  of  a  necessity  startle  us.  During  the  last  fiscal  year 
they  spent  in  Texas  alone  §1,040,000;  in  California,  $827,- 
0UG;  in  Oregon,  $187,000;  in  New  Mexico,  $80.6,154." 


unfortunately  for  the  Government,  the  contractors 
— the  men  who  are  to  make  the  money  by  furnish- 

1,811,792,  as  stated  in  the  report  of  i]  ing  these  supplies — do  not  inhabit  the  Territories, 
isury.'"    *     *     *     "  But  the  fair  ||  t}iey  iive  m  the  States,  and  are  rewarded  for  party 
e  expenditures,  for  the  purpose  of  ,   services  by  contracts,  to  furnish  articles  at  extrav- 
agant prices  and  great  distances  from  where  they 
are  needed.     This  affords  another  class  of  con- 
tractors a  remunerating  job  for  transporting  these 
supplies;  and  though  it'be  "carrying  coals  to  New- 
castle," yet  it  answers  the  end  intended— an  ex- 


8 


Jcuse  for  putting  their  arms  in  the  Treasury.  Dur- 
1  ing  the  Mexican  war,  in  the  same  climate,  it  cost 
nothing  for  forage  for  horses,  mules,  &c.  Now, 
more  than  a  million  is  annually  paid  for  this  alone. 
Hay,  where  it  can  be  had  for  the  cutting,  is  pur- 
chased at  $50  per  ton, in  a  climate  where  "grazing 
is  good  for  all  but  two  months  in  a  year,"  and  in 
some  places  the  "ivhole  year,"  and  corn  $3  50  per 


bushel,  where  the  soil  yields  its  natural  products 
a  hundred  fold.     But  the  secret  of  it  all  i 


is  to  be 


military  power  a  greater  preponderance  than  it 
now  possesses  in  the  Government. 
"""The  last  Congress  cut  down  the  estimates  for 
the  War  Department  one  half.  Did  that  stay  the 
expenditure?  Not  at  all.  This  branch  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, adopting  "  the  military  rule  of  conduct," 
went  on  arbitrarily,  in  defiance  of  law,  and  took 
$730,000  of  unexpended  balances  which  had  been 
appropriated  in  1847  and  1848,  to  pay  soldiers  in 
the  Mexican  war,  and  used  it  without  authority, 


found  in  the  fact,  "  that  the  officers  attached  to     and  in  direct  violation  both  of  the  Constitution  and 
« the  A  rmy  at  the  different  depots,  availing  them-     the  statute.     Senator  HUNTER,  in  speaking  of  this 
« selves  of  their  positions,  have  speculated  in  those  |case,  uses  the  following  language: 
•    *  articles  with  which  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Q,uar-  nf*  «  The  Secretary  of  War  went  to  an  appropriation,  made 
I   « termaster's  Department  to  supply  the  Army."      Ion  2d  March,  1847 ,  for  pay  of  ten  regiments  of  regulars, 
C»  W*  find  another  verv  larffe  increase  in  the  table  !    and  on  23d  April,  18ol, -he  transferred  that  appropriation^of 


examining 

ters  hired  at  a  most  exorbitant  rate.  I  will  not  I 
cite  instances  in  California,  where  everything  is 
known  to  be  high,  but  in  New  Mexico,  where  | 
there  is  no  reason  for  more  than  the  average 
prices.  "  One  house,  occupied  as  quarters  by  Bre- 1 
vet-Major  O.  S.  Sheppard,  Lieutenant  L.  N.  Ban- ' 
non,  and  Quartermaster's  store-room,  $85  per 
month,"  or  $1,020  per  year.  "  Quarters  for  Colo- 

Lnel  Alexander,  commanding,  $50  per  month," 
or  $600  per  year,  and  numerous  others  in  pro- 
portion. Little  did  our  revolutionary  soldiers 
and  officers,  sleeping  during  our  northern  winters 
in  tents  and  barns,  or  General  Jackson  and  his 
brave  associates  in  later  times,  suppose"  that  their 
successors  were  at  the  public  expense  to  quarter 
in  princely  palaces,  and  revel  in  royal  hails !  But 
into  such  degenerate  hands  have  we  fallen  in  these 
"piping  times  of  peace."  Who  is  responsible 
for  such  flagrant  and  long-continued  abuses? 
General  Scott,  who  now  and  for  years  has  stood 
at  the  head  of  the  Army — he  is  the  General-in- 
Chief — he  occupies  a  room  in  the  War  Depart- 
ment which  he  terms  "  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE 
ARMY,"  and  is  receiving  a  large  annual  salary 
amounting  to  more  than  the  head  of  any  Depart- 
ment of  the  Government.  Instead  of  reforming  [ 
or  retrenching,  we  find  him,  in  his  report  made 
December  18,  1849,  recommending  the  increase  of 
our  military  establishment  by  the  addition  of  thj^ee 
its  to  the  Army,  which  at  the  present  I 


n  of  the 

appropriations  shall 

continue  but  two  years?  Was  not  that  a  violation  not  only 
of  the  spirit  but  of  the  letter  of  this  provision  ?  He  trans- 
ferred in  this  way,  after  Congress  had  said  he  should  not 
have  these  appropriations,  about  the  amount  for  which  he 
applied  to  the  Committee  on  Finance,  and  which  was  not 
given- to  him;  and  thus  money  which  Congress  appropri- 
ated years  ago  for  the  payment  of  regulars  in  the  Mexican 
war,  not  dreaming  that  they  were  to  be  carried  to  such  a 
service,  was  used  more  than  three  years  afterwards  for  the 
service  of  the  Quartermaster's  Department." 

**And  not  being  able  to  find  enough  of  old  and 
unexpended  appropriations  in  the  Treasury,  the 
War  Department  went  on  an  d^ con  traded  liabili- 
ties for  a  large  amount,  and  sent  them  to  us  in  a 
deficiency  bill,  and  we  had  the  alternative  pre- 
sented to  pass  the  bill,  and  thus  provide  for  the 
payment  of  these  debts,  or  repudiate  the  action 
of  the  Government,  and  take  away  the  protection 
due  to  the  settlers  upon  our  frontiers. 
p*  The  Navy  Department  is,  by  no  means,  free 
•from  abuses.  Officers,  with  no  duties  to  dis- 
charge, are  hanging  around  this  capital,  or  vis- 
iting Neptune  only  at  the  watering  places,  and 
receiving  pay  for  years  together  under  the  name 
of"  officers  waiting  orders."  Four  hundred  and 
seventy-nine  thousand  four  hundred  and  fifty  dol- 
lars went  into  the  naval  appropriation  bill  of  this 
year  for  these  respectable  gentlemen.  In  this  place 
should  the  knife  be  applied.  But  we  hear  no  word 
from  the  Secretary,  recommending  a  reform  of 
this  crying  abuse.  If  there  are  more  officers  in 


the  Navy  than  can  find  employment,  let  the  num- 


new  regiment 
rates,  woula 
f      ture  of  net 

_. _  y         .      to,  l          .....  .     -        -.  .  if!  BCIVIUC.      jjy    iciciczice    lu    me 

I       November  last  repeats  it,  slightly  varied  only,  and  |  find  the  fou  Jwing  expenditures: 
\  refers  to  his  former  report.  IL  For  ^  *       "^  ^902,845  93. 

The  present  Congress  has  been  alike  inattentive  If    For  Uie  year  cndin|  June  30'  i&46,M450,862  70. 

to  this  order,  issued  and  dated  in  the  General's  ;T     For  the  year  ending  June  30, 1847,  f  7,931,633  68. 

comfortable  rooms  in  Washington,  at  the  "  HEAD-  1 1      For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1848,  $-9,406,737  28. 

T?^i.    «lirt    *rr»n^    rm.4ii.nr     Tints*    ')H       1Q/1G        ^Q    Q£Q     tt  1  Q      Oft 


For  the  year  ending  June  30, 1849,  $9.869,818  20. 
For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1850,  $7,923,313  18. 
For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1851,  {$9,044,597  11. 


QUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY."    Should  he,  unfortu- 
nately, be  able  to  add  to  this,  "  Headquarters  of  the 

Treasury,"  with  a  hundred  thousand  office-holders   i      ^   .  t,  ,.  , 

bowing  at  his  nod,  and  a  Congress  of  his  own,  I         But  Je  Secretary,  in  his  report  of  the  expendt- 
have  no  doubt  he  would  be  able,  in  a  single  year,   ! tures  of  the  year  1851'  adds: 
to  double  this  standing  army  that  is  now  eLing  \\  ^^^^^^^ 

outour  substance,  and  which  could  then  be  brought  j  W|lich  wiii  be  required  to  meet  the  outstanding  obligations, 
to  bear  upon  the  deliberations  of  this  body.  The  •  due  on  account  ofthe  objects  for  which  these  appropriations 
experience  of  this  nation  has  shown  that  a  large  .  were  made." 

standing  army  is  wholly  unnecessary;  that  the  It  will  be  seen  by  this  that  the  late  Secretary — 
moment  a  war  is  declared,  the  boldest  and  the  j  and  now  Whi^  candidate  for  Vice  President- 
bravest  soldiery  the  world  has  ever  known  springs  ;  presents  no  claims  to  economy,  but  keeps  up  the 
into  existence  as  if  by  magic — from  the  volunteer  ^expenditures  in  his  Department  even  beyond  the 
yeomanry  ofthe  country.  And  that  will  be  a  sad  '|war  standard, 
.day  for  public  liberty,  which  shall  give  to  the  jf^  But  great  as  has  been  the  increase  in  expendi- 


9 


ture  in  the  various  departments  of  the  Govern- 
ment, none  has  been  multiplied  in  a  more  rapid 
ratio  than  the  Indian  Department.  Where  we 
formerly  counted  by  thousands,  now  the  estimates 
are  made  by  millions,  with  constantly-accruing 
deficiencies.  The  cause  is  to  be  found  in  the  gross 
abuses  which  prevail,  one  of  which  consists  in  the 
appointment,  from  the  old  States,  of  Indian  agents 
as  a  reward  for  political  services.  General  Hous- 

r  ton,  who  is  most  familiar  with  this  subject,  in  the 
Senate,  in  June  last,  said: 
V*  "  The  national  expenditure  now  in  New  Mexico,  to  main- 

f  tain  the  troops  and  give  ostensible  and  nominal  defense,  is 
$6,000,000  annually.  Have  the  troops  there  killed  one  [n- 
dian  ?  Have  they  made  reclamation  of  one  horse  ?  Have 

Grhey  rescued  one  person,  or  prevented  the  taking  of  one 
scalp? 
"  These  are  facts  which  I  present.  If  men  who  are  qual- 
ified to  discharge  the  duties  of  agents— men  who  know  the 
habits  of  Indians;  who  are  familiar  with  their  mode  of 
life,  who  can  traverse  the  prairies  with  them,  and  exercise 
an  influence  and  guardianship  over  them,  were  appointed, 
we  should  have  a  different  situation  of  frontier  security. 
But  when  men — whether  favorites  or  not  I  know  not,  and 
care  not — who  are  unacquainted  with  everything  necessary 
to  their  duties,  are  appointed,  it  is  an  insult,  and  an  indig- 
I  iiity,  and  usurpation,  on  the  part  of  the  Administration." 

*   But  this  abuse,  great  as  it  is,  sinks  into  utter 
insignificance  compared  with  others.     We  are  in- 
debted to  Hon.  WILLIAM  M.  GWIN,  United  States 
Senator  from  California,  for  revelations  of  a  most 
I  startling  character  in  relation  to  the  transactions 
'  of  the  Government  agents  there.     The  first  that  I 
will  notice  is  the  appointment  of  General  John 
Wilson,  of  JN/yssmiri,  as   Indian  Agent  to  Salt 
Lake.      His  salary  by  law  was  $1,500  per  an- 
I  num.     He  was  fitted  out  with  a  military  escort — 
f  the  cost  of  which  for  the  Quartermaster's  De- 
partment alone  was  $12,000,  beside  the  pay  and 
subsistence  of  the  men,  and  the  cost  to  the  other 
Departments.     He  staid  at  Salt  Lake,  the  place 
of  his  destination,  long  enough  to  recruit — only  a 
f  few  days;  then  went  on,  with  his  family,  furniture, 
and  law-books,  all  at  the  public  expense,  to  Cali- 
fornia, deserting  the  post  to  which  he  had  been 
|  appointed,  and  for  which  he  had  received  his  sal- 
)  ary   and   such   an    enormous   outfit  by  way  of 
escort.     When  his  conduct  was  known  at  Wash- 
j  ington  did  the  Administration  censure  him  for  this 
I  criminal  neglect  of  official  duty?     So  far  from  it, 
f  he  was  appointed  to  another  office — that  of  Navy 
Agent  in  California;  and  a  detachment  of  United 
States  troops  was  sent  hundreds  of  miles  back  in 
|  the  mountains  after  these  law-books,  and  other 
\  property,  which  he  had  been  obliged  to  bury  and 
abandon  on  his  way  to  San  Francisco.     Senator 
GWIN  uses  the  following  language  in  relation  to 
4  this  case: 

•  "  About  the  same  time,  in  1849,  a  gentleman  from  the 
Btate  of  Missouri,  General  John  Wilson,  was  appointed  an 
Indian  agent  for  Salt  Lake ;  and  he,  also,  was  furnished 
with  an  extravagant  outfit  and  escort  to  conduct  him  to  his 

<  agency. 
"  He  went  to  the  Salt  Lake,  and  staid  there  long  enough 
to  write  a  letter  or  two.     He  then  went  to  California  with 
iris  family,  liis  books,  and  his  baggage  of  all  descriptions. 
He  was  an  emigrant,  moving  at  the  Government's  expense. 
He  reached  tho  valley  of  the  Sacramento  about  the  com- 
mencement of  the  winter  season,  could  curry  his  effects  no 
/  further,  buried  them,  and  hurried  on  with  iiis  family.     By 
(    an  order  that  emanated  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  a  de- 
tachment of  the  army  was  ordered  out  the  following  spring 
to  brin»  in  the  private  property  belonging  to  this  Indian 
agent  transported  for  him  at  Government  expense  by  the 
Salt  Lake  to  California.     I  was  told  by  the  assistant  quar- 
v     termasterwlio  fitted  out  the  expedition,  the  principal  object 
\  of  which  was  to  perform  this  service}  that  the  cost  was 


little  less  than  $100,000.    This  is  another  of  the  items  that  » 
creates  the  necessity  of  deficiency  bills,  and  charged  as  an 
expenditure  in  California.     After  General  Wilson  got  to 
California,  he  resigned  his  agency,  but  no  censure  was  cast 
on  him  for  having  passed  through  the  country  where  he  was  / 
assigned  to  duty,  and  emigrating,  at  such  an  enormous  ex-  I 
pense  to  the  Government,  to  another  part  of  the  country  : 
but  he  was  actually  appointed  to  another  office  in  Califor- 
nia.    He  was  made  Navy  Agent  at  San  Francisco.    This 
same  gentleman  is  one  of  the  high -priests  of  the  Whig  party    » 
in  California.     He  lately  presided  over  one  of  the  largest    * 
Whig  Conventions  which  ever  assembled  in  that  State."    - 


In  September,  1850,  an  appropriation  of  fe25.nnn 
was  made  "  to  enable  the  President  to  hold  treaties 
with  the  Indian  tribes  in  the  State  of  California.  * 


The  President,  under  this,  organkf^  a  board  °f 
commissioners,  consistingof  thret^ersons.  "^Tnese  \ 
modest  gentlemen  drew  $150,  OOP  of  public  money  \ 
from  the  collector  at  San  Francisco,  and  started, 
to  use  their  own  language,  "  with  an  escort  of  one 
'  hundred  and  one  picked  men,  ten  officers,  three 
*  six-mule  covered  wagons,  and  some  one  hundred   ( 
'  and  fifty  pack  mules,  to  carry  our  provisions, 
'ammunition,  and  Indian   goods,  all  under  the 
'  command  of  Captain  E.  D.  Keyes,  an  experi-    i 
'  enced  and  excellent  officer."  , 

This  is  indeed  doing  an  extensive  business  on  a 
yery  small  capital.     Under   an   appropriation  of 
$25,000,  they,  in  violation  of  law,  take  $150,000, 
and    start  off  with  a   cavalcade,  the  expense  of 
which  will  be  as  much  more.     Surely,  the  credit 
system  is  not  yet  quite  exploded.     But  an  Indian 
agency  thus  commenced,  is  carried  out  in  a  style    I 
of  still  greater  magnificence.      These    commis-  i 
sioners,  after  arriving  among  the  Indians,  made 
presents  and  gave  entertainments  that  truly  "  as- 
tonished the  natives;"  and  have,  for  this  and  other 
expenses,  drawn  drafts  on  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior  amounting  to  nearly,  or  quite,  onc^milli 
of  dollars.     They  have  usurped  the  powWs 
President  and  Senate,  by  making  treaties  with  the 
Indian  tribes,  and  proceeding  to  act  upon  them  I 
without  any  ratification,  the  result  of  which  must,  f 
in  all  probability,  involve  us  in  an  Indian  war; 
and  yet  these  commissioners  are  not  removed,  or 
even   censured  by  the  Administration;  and  the  / 
collector  at  San   Francisco,  who,  in  violation  of  { 
the  sub-treasury  act,  paid  them  the  money,  is  also 
retained  in  office. 

There  is  one  other  case  of  official  delinquency   \ 
in  California  which  Senator  GWIN  has  exposed,    } 
and  which  I  cannot  omit  in  this  place.     I  allude 
to  the  first  collector  of  customs  at  San  Francisco, 
Mr.  Collyer.     He   was  sent  across  the  country 
with  a"tmlflary  escort,  at  an  expense  of  $36,000^ 
when  the  cost  of  getting  there  by  the  usually^traT" 
eled  and  proper  route  —  the  Isthmus  —  would  not    \ 
have  exceeded  $500.     Pie  then,  after  seizing  upon    * 
large  numbers  of  vessels,  contrary  to  law  —  selling 
the  goods  at  a  mere  nominal  sum,  and  thus  caus- 
ing the  loss  to  the  United  States  of  M.  000^00.0—   » 
became  a  public  defaulter  to  a  large  amoum^tnd  | 
was  then  agaij  reno^^ated  by  the  President  for 
the  same  office;buttn°ewSenate,  by  nearlya  unani- 
mous vote,  refused   to  confirm  him.     I  pass  over 
the  thousand  other  instances  of  profligate  waste  of  | 
money  by  the  Administration,  in  California  —  such    I 
as   paying   $100  per  cord   for   wood;    $5W  per 
thousand   for  frJWber,  to  build  useless  barracks. 
These  are  nothing,  compared  with  the  cases  I  have   < 
named.     If  a  party  which  is  guilty  not  only  of  j 
such  gross  and   palpable   violations  of  law,  but  I 
outrages  upon  the  proprieties  of  official  positionjj 


10 


and  disregard  of  official  responsibility,  can  be  sus- 
tained by  the  American  people,  then  are  written 
constitutions  a  mockery  and  a  cheat. 

But  we  need  not  travel  to  Texas,  New  Mexico, 
or  California,  to  seek  abuses  for  the  purpose  of 
ascertaining  the  true  character  of  the  men  who 
control  the  administration  of  affairs.  The  proof  is 
before  us  daily — our  own  eyes  must  be  closed,  if 
we  do  not  behold  it — our  ears  must  be  shut  not  to 

The  Galphin  and  the  Gardiner  frauds,  and  the 
connection  of  members  of  the  Cabinet  with  these, 
the  selling  of  political  influence  for  a  money  con- 
•  sideration  by  those  holding  high  official  position, 
'  have  become  matters  of  history;  and  though  at- 
tempts may  be  made  on  this  floor  and  elsewhere, 
to  excuse  or  paliate  those  who  have  been  guilty  of 
these  offenses,  it  is  all  in  vain.     No  matter  how  ; 
:  elevated  the  position,  or  exalted  the  intellect  of 
the  perpetrator,  the  stain  is  there,  inwrought  and  j 
ineradicable;  and  though  _the  effort  of  a  lifetime  | 
should  be  directed  to  efface  it,  the  "  damned  spot" 
will  never  "  out."     Rumors  of  a  very  suspicious 


was  then  made.  Once,  and  perhaps  twice,  afterwards  an 
attempt  was  made  to  reopen  the  account  during  Mr.  Ilag- 
ner's  term  of  office.  He  said  that  the  only  effect  of  the 
new  evidence  was  to  make  him  doubt  the  piopriety  of  the 
original  allowance.  He  said,  too,  that  the  claim  was  closed. 
Both  he  and  the  Comptroller  gave  opinions  against  it.  But 
on  September  28th,  1850,  it  was  allowed  by  the  present 
Auditor,  and  an  amount  of  M4.75Q  found  due  by  him.  The 
question  then  arose  as  to  theTrffians  of  paying  the  claim. 
A  balance  was  found  of  an  old  appropriation  made  23d 
August,  1842,  for  the  payment  of  Florida  militia  for  services 
in  1839  and  1840.  This  balance  was  transferred  to  the  head 
of  another  old  appropriation — "  the  suppression  of  Indian 
hostilities" — and  thus  paid." 

Fortjfc-four  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars  paid  o'n  a  cTalm  twice  rejected  by  a  Demo- 
cratic Administration  ! 

The  way  these  things  are  managed,  and  the 
Treasury  plundered,  is  said  to  be  as  follows:  Some 
clerk,  or  other  officer  in  the  Department  before 
which  the  claim  is  or  has  been  pending,  either  buys 
it,  or,  like  Mr.  Corwin,  in  the  Gardiner  swindle, 
sells  his  services  andinfiuence  fora  percentage — "  a 
contingent  interest"  in  it.  He  is  then  in  a  position 
where  he  can  find  or  simulate  evidence.  He  sees 
each  link  that  is  wanting,  and  supplies  it.  The 


the  office,  and  the  allowance  and  payment  of  re-  j!  believe,  is  enormous;  but  we  can  never  know  the 


jected  claims  by  those  Departments  after  those 
"i  claims  had  been  purchased  in  whole,  or  in  part  by  j 
persons  employed  in  the  Departments  where  they 
were  to  be  allowed  or  rejected.     In   order  that 
these  rumors  might  be  put  at  rest,  and  the  per- 
sons implicated  be,  if  innocent,  exonerated  from 
£  groundless  suspicion,  this  House,  on  the  26th  of 

January  last,  adopted  the  following  resolution: 
f*"*'  "  Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  Secretary 
<  of  the  Treasury,  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,  the  Secretary  of  War;  and  the  Postmaster 
General,  be,  and  hereby  are,  instructed  to  cause  to  be  re- 
ported to  this  House,  as' soon  as  may  be  practicable,  full  and 
complete  lists  of  all  claims,  if  any,  (including  principal  and 
interest,  and  designating  'each  separately,)  allowed  and 
paid  by  the  respective  Departments,  or  any  B  ureaus  thereof, 
since  the  4th  day  of  March,  Anno  Domini  1849,  which  had 
been  previously  presented,  suspended, 'or  disallowed  in  whole 
or  in  part,  and  specifying  the  character  of  such  claims  ; 
and  also,  that  they  cause  to  be  reported  the  names  of  all 
persons  who  at  any  time  acted  us  the  agents  or  solicitors  for 
said  claims,  and  the  persons  who  received  any  portion  therc- 
i,  of,  or  were  interested  therein. " 

T**  To  this  resolution  neither  of  these  suspected 
Departments  have  made  any  reply.  This  is  what 
the  lawyers  would  call  taking  the  bill  as  confessed. 
Why  don't  they  answer  it?  Would  the  answer 

I  show  how  certain  persons  with  small  salaries, 
only  sufficient  to  yield  them  an  economical  sup- 
port, can  live  in  fine  style,  keep  their  retinue  of 
servants,  and  make  investments  in  stocks?  Would 
it  show  the  people,  the  voters,  the  tax-payers,  how 
a  man  can  take  the  Bankrupt  act,  and  in  less  than 
ten  years,  occupying  a  subordinate  position  in  one 
'  of  the  Departments,  be  able  to  build  and  own  fine 
city  houses,  and  speculate  in  property?  Such 
knowledge  might  be  useful  to  the  public.  It  was 
for  such  information  we  sought  in  the  resolution. 
We  cannot  get  it,  it  seems,  until  the  Administra- 

*'   tion  is  changed.     How  many  cases  like  the  fol- 
lowing would  an  answer  to  the  above  resolution 
've  us?    I  quote  from  a  late  speech  of  Senator 
HUNTER : 

A  claim  for  compensation  was  made  on  the  part  of  the 
owners  of  the  steamboat  Watchman,  for  its  use  in  1835  and 
1836.  This  demand  was  presented  soon  after  that  time  to 
Mr.  Uagner,  and  an  allowance  of  something  like  $2,700 


whole  until  after  a  full  investigation.  There  is  a 
double  evil  here — an  inducement  for  thes<?  men  to 
throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  honest  claims,  until 
the  owner,  wearied  and  disheartened,  will  sell  for 
a  small  consideration,  and  a  temptation  to  those 
who  should  be  the  guardians,  to  become  the  plun- 
derers of  the  Treasury. 

f  I  will  not  go  further  into  particulars,  but  call 
upon  the  suspected  Departments  to  answer  now. 
Seven  months  have  passed  since  the  resolution  was 
j  adopted — a  sufficient  time,  one  would  think,  to 
I  answer  any  inquiry.  Or  do  they  plead  the  felon's 
|  privilege,  and  refuse  any  response,  because  an 
answer  would  criminate  themselves  ? 
***  There  is  another  abuse  which  has  become  gen- 
eral— the  appointment  of  clerks  wholly  unfited  for 
their  stations,  merely  on  account  of  the  partisan 
services  of  themselves  or  their  friends.  Such  ap- 
pointments have  driven  from  employment  many  of 
the  competent  and  faithful,  and  filled  the  Depart- 
ments with  idlers  and  drones,  men  who  hardly 
visit  their  desks  often  enough  to  be  familiar  with 
the  way,  but  divide  their  time  between  the  Whig 
j  committee  room  and  the  gambling  houses  of  Wash- 
I  ington.  Their  salaries,  however,  are  regularly 
paid.  There  a^re  others  who  get  three  and  four 
dollars  p?r*day,mre  a  sutfSfttute  foitm'e  dollar,  and 
pocket  the^lSarance.  Some  of  these  Departments 
are  looked  upon  as  political  alms-houses,  where 
the  party  paupers  are  all  fed  and  clothed,  and  pro- 
vided for,  at  the  public  expense.  I  quote  the  tes- 
timony of  a  Whig  on  this  subject.  The  Hon.  T. 
STEVENS,  of  Pennsylvania,  one  day  last  week,  in 
a  debate  in  this  House,  said: 

"  Why,  I  know  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  has 
taken  so  many  Whigs  from  certain  Whig  districts — for  in- 
stance, from  the  Wheeling  district — ami  put  them  into  offices 
here,  that  he  left  none  at  home  to  vote  for  the  Whig  candi- 
dates, and  they  were  defeated.  [Great  laughter.]" 

***The  gentleman  neglected  to  inform  us  whether 
Mr.  Graham  had  put  the  Whig  party  of  North 
Carolina  all  into  the  Navy,  and  thus  produced  the 
late  disastrous  result  there. 

I  will  not  go  into  detail  as  much  as  I  had  in- 


11 


tended,  as  an  investigating  committee  has  been 
appointed  in  the  Senate  to  inquire  into  these 
frauds,  who  are  progressing  with  their  work.  I A 

"late  chj^k  clerk^jn  the  Treasury  Department,  to 
whom  a  large""contract  for  building  California 
light-houses  had  been  awarded,  contrary  to  law, 
and  without  advertising,  and  who, it  was  said,  had 
made  arrangements  to  sell  out  his  contract  at  a 
bonus  of  $32,000  to  actual  contractors,  was  the 
first  witness*r3FoTlght  before  the  committee.  He 
refused  to  take  the  oath.  When,  however,  the  ter- 
rors of  the  dungeon  were  placed  before  him  for 
this  contempt  of  the  authority  of  the  Senate,  it  is 
said  he  reconsidered,  and  answered.  I  will  not 
forestall  the  report  of  that  committee,  but  only 
say  to  this  House,  and  the  public,  that  they  must 
prepare  themselves  for  developments  at  which  the 
whole  nation  will  be  astounded.  They  will  find, 
that  while  an  honest  cj,ahn  is  hooted  at  and  rejected, 
a  forged  one  is  vampea  up  anfFpassed  through,  if 
it  only  has  the  right  inik^sers.  They  will  see 
that  mortification  is  actually8 attacking  the  body- 
politic,  and  that  this,  the  great  heart  of  the  Re- 
public, the  fountain  of  life,  is  affected  by  the  dis- 

I  ease  which  is  sending  its  poisoned  currents  through 

\  every  artery  of  the  nation. 

I™*  I  ask  attention  to  but  a  single  other  source  of 
labuse,  and  that  is  the  appointment  of  t^  same 
person  to  discharge  the  dutieToTtwo  or  monToffi- 
ces,  and  giving  him  the  full  sgj|?yof  each  office. 
Prior  to  1842,  General  ScottTand  some  other  mil- 
itary officers,  had  been  in  the  habit  of  charging 
the  Government  for  per  diem  and  traveling  fees 
whenever  they  were  directed  to  do  anything  which 
they  could  possibly  say  was  not  within  the  strict 
line  of  their  duty  as  military  men.  In  1838,  while 
General  Scott  was  receiving  full  pay  as  Major 
General,  he  had  some  negotiations  with  the  Cher- 
okees.  For  this  he  claimed  extra  compensation 
at  the  rate  of  eight  dollars  per  day,  for  two  hun- 
dred  and  fortv-fouPwys.  Mr.  Poinsett,  Secre- 
tary of  Warunder  Mr.  Van  Buren,  did  not  allow 
it.  After  the  election  and  inauguration  of  General 
Harrison  in  1841,  General  Scott  presented  his 
claim.  It  was  paid — amounting  to  $2.310  71 . 
Congress,  at  its  next  session,  hearing  ofnffif  fla- 
grant abuse,  passed  a  resolution  "requiring  the 
'  Secretary  of  War  to  report  to  the  House  all  cases 
in  which  extra  compensation  has  heretofore  been 


was  inserted  in  the  Army  appropriation  bill  of 
that  year,  prohibiting  any  repetition  of  the  prac- 
tice: 

"  No  officer  in  any  branch  of  the  public  service,  or  any 
other  person  whose  salary,  pay,  or  emoluments,  is,  or  are, 
fixed  by  law  or  regulations,  shall  receive  any  additional 
pay,  extra  allowance,  or  compensation,  in  any  form  what- 
ever, for  the  disbursement  of  the  public  money,  or  for  any 
other  service  or  duty  whatsoever,  unless  the  same  shall  be 
authorized  by  law,  and  the  appropriation  therefor  explicitly 
set  forth  that  it  is  for  such  additional  pay,  extra  allowance, 
or  compensation." 

General  Scott,  in  1850,  acted  as  Secretary  of 
War  for  a  month  after  the  death  of  General  Tay- 
lor. He  was  at  the  same  time  acting  as  General- 
in-Chief.  He,  in  the  face  of  this  law,  received 
his  pay  of  between  $7,000  and  $8,000  per  year  for 
one  office,  and  $.6,000  per  year  for  the  other.  Then 
Congress  passed  the  following  law: 

^"Provided,  however,  That  hereafter  the  proper.accounting 
officers  of  the  Treasury,  or  other  pay  officers  of  the  United 
States,  shall  in  no  case  allow  and  pay  to  one  individual  the 
salaries  of  two  different  offices  on  account  of  having  per- 
formed the  duties  thereof  at  the  same  time  ;  but  this  prohi- 
bition shall  not  extend  to  the  Superintendents  of  the  Execu- 
tive Buildings." 

"""But  that,  sir,  is  evaded  and  disregarded  by  these 
loose-constructionists,  who  claim  that  the  first  and 
greatest  commandment  is,  "  Put  money  in  thy 
purse;"  and  a  few  weeks  since  we  had  a  case  in 
which  the  Superintendent  of  the  Census  procured 
the  passage  of  a  law  which  had  the  effect,  while 
he  was  receiving  a  salary  of  Ig^SOOJbr  attending 
to  the  duties  of  an  office  whicrinlffoid  discharge, 
to  give  him  $3,000  for  pretending  to  discharge  the 
duties  of  an  office1  which  did  not  exist.  There 
is  now  in  the  Treasury  Department,  I  am  informed 
on  the  best  authority,  a  ckrJc  who  receives  one 
salary  of  $1,600  as  clerk,  $500.  as  superintendent 
~  mn^Bi 


uilding^noTrTer  salary  of  frffjjQftS 
translator,  and' who  carries  on  the  business  in  the 


of  theTreasui 


Department  in  office  hours  of  an  insurance  broker  ! 
Several  MEMBERS.     Who  is  he?  "" 

CMr.  DEAN.  I  have  his  name  here  in  the  hand- 
writing of  the  person  who  gave  me  the  inform- 
ation, and  who  had  one  of  the  policies  he  issued. 
[Loud  cries  of  "Name  him!"  "  Namehim?"]  I 
have  no  desire  to  publish  his  name,  but  will  give 
it  at  any  time  when  this  statement  is  denied.  Sir, 
this  announcement  seems  to  create  a  sensation 
in  this  House.  Has  it  come  to  this,  that  not  only 


«  allowed  to  other  officers  of  the  Army  for  services     the  officers  connected  with  the  Government  are 
1  similar   to    those   rendered   by   General  Scott  for  |j  professed  stock-jobbers  and  claim  agents,  but  the 
1  which  he  is  said  to  have  received  extra  allovjtance,"     public  buildings  are  turned  into  broker  shops  !    Is 
&c.     On  the  7th  of  December,  1842,  the  Secretary 
of  War,  John   C.   Spencer,  made  his  report  to 


Congress;  and  by  that  report  it  appears  that  Gen- 


erarScott  had   received   for  extra  compensation 
between  the   18th  of  September,  1818,  and  1841, 
the  sum  of  $12,518  71.     The  last  item  is  as  fol- 
lows: 

:For  a  per  diem  of'  eight  dollars,  for  two  hundred  and 


public  buildings  _. 

it  not  time  for  us  to  direct  our  eyes  eastward  to  the 
,  Bethlehem  where  the  political  savior  will  appear 
L  to  drive  the  money-changers  from  the  temple  of 


kto 

four  liberty?     But  this  is  not  an  isolated  instance. 
|e*  Mr.  STEVENS,  of  Pennsylvania.     Robert  J. 
Walker? 

Mr.  DEAN.  The  gentleman  cannot  divert  at- 
tention from  the  Galphinism  or  Gardinerism  by 
attempting  to  connect  the  name  of  Secretary  Walk- 
er with  such  transactions  as  this.  While  he  held 
an  office  here,  no  man  dared  to  assail  his  char- 
acter. And  during  the  time  of  a  Democratic  Ad- 

From  a  report  made  at  the  I!  ministration  there  was  no  necessity  for  resolutions 
by  Mr.jGilmer^ofH  of  inquiry   or  the  appointment^  of  ^fjj^g 


forty-  four  days  services  as  commissioner  to  treat  and  make^ 
arrangements  with  the  Cherokee  Indians,  ftom  the  llth  ot 
Aprifto  the  10th  of  December,  1838,  $1,952;  arid  his  ex- 
penses during  the  time,  $358  71"— 


<2  310  71 
*e   seSsion    of 


'ss.   uv   IVJLJ  .  Gilmer.  of  ]!  of   ...^~..j  t  ,. 

that  he  receiv^eTT&r  serv-  I  committees  to  report  upon  alleged  malpractices; 
„„  „  General  during  the  identical  same  two     nor  were  rumors  everywhere  rife  of  frauds^  on  the 
hundred'and  forty-four  days,  the  sum  of  $3,994 
—making  in  all  $6,305  30  for  eieht  months. 


Treasury  perpetrated  by  those  who  should  be  its 
most  faithful  guardians. 


MtoSSSy  Z^b»:  Mo^Vovisi™         1  had  hoped  to  have  been  able  Stil. 


12 


prosecute  this  inquiry ;  to  have  shown  how  officers, 
entitled  to  fees  instead  of  salaries,  multiply  the 
amount  of  compensation  which  the  law  allows 
by  ten,  twenty,  and  in  some  instances,  a  hundred ; 
to  have  commented  upon  the  abuse  of  Executive 
patronage  in  sending  off  foreign  ministers  with  an 
outfit  of  fl9j.000«  and  salary  as  large,  for  a  few 
jnionths — and  of  the  recent  attempt  to  increase  the 
salaries,  because  with  $9,000  per  annum  they  were 
not  able  to  support  as  much  style  as  the  aristocratic 

t  ministers  of  the  Courts  of  Europe.  But  I  forbear. 
I  have  only  hinted  at  theM"abuses — it  is  all  that 
can  be  done  within  the  time  allowed — to  expose 
them  as  they  exist  would  require  a  volume.  I 
shall  be  satisfied  to  have  succeeded  in  directing 
public  attention  to  them.  We  have  seen,  that  in 
a  time  of  general  and  uninterrupted  peace,  the  ex- 
penditures of  the  Government  have  increased 
enormously — that  many  of  the  public  offices  are 
filled  by  soldiers  of  fortune,  who  serve  only  to 
plunder — that  the  Government  is  transformed  into 
an  instrument  for  ministering  to  private  interests 
and  rewarding  party  and  personal  favorites — that 
the  Army  has  set  itself  above  the  National  Legis- 
lature and  tramples  upon  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws,  by  using  money  before  it  is  appropriated, 
contracting  liabilities  without  legal  authority — that 
when  Congress  limits  the  amount  of  its  expendi- 
tures it  utterly  disregards  such  limitations  and  re- 
straints. 

What  is  the  remedy  for  these  flagrant  abuses, 
and  how  can  the  danger  arising  from  the  further 
extension  of  military  power  be  averted  ?  Only  by 
the  restoration  of  the  Government  to  safe,  expe- 
rienced, and  economical  hands;  by  a  reform  thor- 
ough and  efficient  in  all  its  departments,  and  con- 
fining each  strictly  to  the  exercise  of  its  constitu- 
tional functions.  Will  the  election  of  General 
Scott  have  any  tendency  to  accomplish  this  object? 
He  is  already  connected  with  the  Government,  in 
the  very  Department  which  has  increased  its  ex- 
penditures most  rapidly,  and  exhibited  a  reckless 
prodigality  of  .the  public  treasure,  openly  defied 
the  National  Legislature,  and  set  at  naught  con- 
stitutional restraint.  Instead  of  proposing  sny 
reform,  he  asks  for  an  addition  to  the  Army.  His 
past  life  affords  the  strongest  evidence  of  his  inca- 
pacity to  effect  anything  by  way  of  retrenchment, 
and  his  fixed  determination  to  subject  the  civil  to 
the  military  power.  He  is  now,  and  has,  for  the  last 
twelve  years,  been  a  Whig,  and  thoroughly  com- 
mitted to  all  the  extravagant  and  mercenary 
schemes  that  have  been  advocated  by  that  party. 
He  is  brought  forward  and  supported  by  the  spec- 
ulating, stock-jobbing,  Galphin  interest.  If  elected, 
such  men  must  give  tone,  direction,  and  shape,  to 
the  measures  of  his  administration.  They  follow 
and  attach  themselves  to  a  political  party,  as  the 
buzzards  are  collected  around  an  army,  by  an  in- 
stinctive propensity  to  glut  their  ravenous  appe- 
tites on  the  offal  of  the  camp.  Tn  their  opinion  the 
Treasary  has  no  bottom,  or  if  it  has,  they  are  never 
satisfied  until  they  find  it.  But  independent  of  the 
men  who  stand  as  sponsors  for  General  Scott, 
what  are  the  "  known  incidents"  of  his  civil  life  ? 
Are  they  such  as  afford  any  guarantee,  that  in  his 
hands  the  Republic  will  receive  no  detriment? 

I  pas?  over  his  unfortunate  correspondence  with 
De  Witt  Clinton,  General  Jackson,  and  Governor 
Marcy— his  unsuccessful  diplomacy  with  Santa 
Anna,  in  each  line  of  which  his  pen  has  so  fatally 


dimmed  the  glorious  achievements  of  his  sword — 
these,  furnishing  though  they  do,  the  strongest 
evidence  of  incapacity  for  civil  service,  yet  are  not 
adapted  to  my  present  purpose,  to  show  that  the 
Government  would  not  be  economically  and  con- 
stitutionally administered  by  him.  I  will  never, 
in  the  slightest  degree,  detract  from  his  military 
reputation — he  has  no  friend  who  will  be  more 
willing  to  do  him  honor.  But  when  an  effort  is 
made  to  take  him  from  his  sphere,  and  place  him 
in  a  position  where  he  will,  in  my  judgment,  in- 
crease a  tendency  in  the  Government  to  which  it 
is  already  too  prone,  it  is  a  right,  nay  an  impera- 
tive duty,  to  speak  plainly  and  boldly  against  it. 
Every  one  who  has  an  intimate  acquaintance  with 
General  Scott,  will  accord  to  him  the  most  marked 
propensity  to  invest  all  he  does  with  grandeurand 
magnificence.  Withoutcountingthecost  orcaring 
for  the  expense,  he  projects  schemes  and  under- 
takes enterprises  for  which  the  mines  of  Califor- 
nia are  wholly  insufficient.  Of  economy  he  has  not 
the  slightest  conception.  This  habit,  or  rather 
nature,  has  often  led  him  into  difficulties  with  in- 
dividuals and  the  Government.  Passing  over 
those  minor  and  frequent  events  of  this  character, 
I  refer  only  to  the  fact  of  his  taking,  while  in  Mex- 
ico, without  anthority,  $7,800  of  the  money  levied 
as  a  military  contribution.  His  taking  the  respon- 
sibility to  pay  Santa  Anna  a  bribe  of  $10,000,  and 
promising  to  pay  $1,000,000  more,  and  charge  it 
as  an  expenditure  of  one  of  the  departments  of 
the  Army,  when  he  was  sent  to  fight  and  not  to 
bribe  the  Mexicans — his  attempt  to  maintain  his 
powers  as  head  of  the  Army  paramount  to  those 
of  the  representative  of  the  American  Govern- 
ment— all  these  "  known  incidents  "are  referred  to 
now,  not  as  matters  of  complaint,  but  as  illustra- 
tions; as  proof  that  he  would  not  be  a  safe  custo- 
dian of  the  public  treasure,  or  a  scrupulous  ob- 
server of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  when 
these  conflicted  with  his  will  or  inclination.  Now 
that  he  is  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  the  fact 
that  he  has  served  the  country  in  the  field,  and  is 
elevated  to  the  highest  rank  in  the  Army,  furnishes 
no  reason  why  these  matters  should  not  be  fully 
discussed;  for,  as  in  the  creed  of  Democracy,  no 
human  being  is  so  low  as  to  be  beneath  its  ele- 
vating grasp,  so  no  station  is  so  high  as  to  place 
its  occupant  beyond  the  reach  of  the  popular 
arm. 

Here,  then,  is  the  issue  to  bedetermined  by  th« 
voters  of  the  nation — to  be  canvassed  and  de- 
cided at  the  political  gathering,  in  the  work-shop, 
the  manufactory,  by  the  wayside  and  the  fireside. 
Whether  the  public  expenditure  is  to  continue  to 
increase  at  its  present  enormous  ratio — whether 
the  Government  is  to  be  transformed  into  a  vast 
broker  establishment,  or  restored  to  its  ancient 
safe,  economical,  and  constitutional  basis — 
whether  a  victorious  general,  for  that  cause  only, 
destitute  of  every  civil  qualification,  at  a  time  like 
the  present,  when  the  Army  has  become  a  pre- 
dominant power  in  the  State,  should  be  placed  at 
the  head  of  public  affairs,  to  have  under  his  con- 
trol the  military  and  naval  force  of  the  country, 
and  a  more  numerous,  unscrupulous,  and  merce- 
nary army  of  office-holders  and  expectants,  who 
think  his  thoughts,  speak  his  words,  and  execute 
his  bidding,  like  the  worm  that  takes  its  color'from 
the  leaf  on  which  it  feeds,  reflecting  in  all  things 
the  will  of  him  who  makes  them, — these  arequea- 


13 


lions  of  momentous  importance,  which   are  in- 
volved in  the  issue  before  us. 

But  weighty  and  important  as  they  are  in  the 
financial  and  economical  views,  they  become  vital  jj 
to  the  existence  of  constitutional  government,  when 
we  add  the  right  assumed  and  exercised  by  the 
Army,  to  transcend  the  appropriations  of  Con- 
gress.    And  when  we  reflect  that  in  this  contest   I 
it  is  the  military  feeling  alone  which  is  sought  to  j' 
be  appealed  to  and  stimulated;  that  the  candidate,  | 
in  accepting  the  nomination,  proposes  a  material  j 
alteration  in  the  laws  suggested  by  his  "military  1 


experience,"  thus  offering  a  premium  for  war,  and 
placing  in  the  hands  of  the  commanding  general  a 
power  over  the  soldier  as  great  as  the  celebrated 
Cross  of  Honor  ever  gave  to  Napoleon;  and 
when  in  the  same  letter  he  adds,  "and  I  should 
carry  into  the  civil  administration  this  one  prin- 
ciple of  military  conduct,"  does  it  not  force  upon 
us  the  conviction  that  his  thoughts  are  all  in  the 
military  channel,  and  the  apprehension  that  in  case 
of  his  election,  in  any  controversy  which  should 
arise,  the  sword  would  be  thrown  into  the  scale, 
and  made  the  arbiter  of  our  fate? 


: 


